第 12 节
作者:一意孤行      更新:2021-10-16 18:41      字数:9321
  power of Germany as the greatest menace to liberty in the world。 He hated
  the Germans with a bitter hatred; partly; no doubt; on account of Bismarck;
  but probably still   more on   account of Marx。 To this day; Anarchism  has
  remained confined almost exclusively to the Latin countries; and has been
  associated with; a hatred of Germany; growing out of the contests between
  Marx and Bakunin in the International。
  The   final   suppression   of   Bakunin's   faction   occurred   at   the   General
  Congress of the International at the Hague in 1872。 The meeting…place was
  chosen by  the   General   Council   (in   which   Marx   was   unopposed);   with   a
  viewso      Bakunin's    friends    contend    to  making     access    impossible     for
  Bakunin       (on   account     of   the   hostility    of   the   French     and   German
  governments) and difficult for his friends。 Bakunin was expelled from the
  International   as   the   result   of   a   report   accusing   him   inter   alia   of   theft
  backed; up by intimidation。
  The   orthodoxy   of   the   International   was   saved;   but   at   the   cost   of   its
  vitality。   From   this   time   onward;   it   ceased   to   be   itself   a   power;   but   both
  sections     continued     to  work    in  their  various    groups;    and   the   Socialist
  groups     in  particular    grew    rapidly。   Ultimately   a   new    International     was
  formed (1889) which continued down to the outbreak of the present war。
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  As to the future of International Socialism it would be rash to prophesy;
  though   it   would   seem   that   the   international   idea   has   acquired   sufficient
  strength to need again; after the war; some such means of expression as it
  found before in Socialist congresses。
  By this time Bakunin's health was broken; and except for a few brief
  intervals; he lived in retirement until his death in 1876。
  Bakunin's life;  unlike   Marx's;  was a   very  stormy  one。   Every  kind   of
  rebellion     against    authority     always     aroused     his   sympathy;      and   in   his
  support he never paid the slightest attention to personal risk。 His influence;
  undoubtedly        very    great;   arose    chiefly    through      the   influence     of   his
  personality upon important individuals。 His writings differ from Marx's as
  much   as   his   life   does;   and   in   a   similar   way。   They   are   chaotic;   largely;
  aroused      by   some    passing     occasion;     abstract   and    metaphysical;      except
  when they deal with current politics。 He does not come to close quarters
  with    economic       facts;  but   dwells    usually   in   the   regions    of  theory   and
  metaphysics。 When he descends from these regions; he is much more   at
  the mercy  of current   international politics than   Marx; much   less   imbued
  with   the   consequences   of   the   belief   that   it   is   economic   causes   that   are
  fundamental。        He    praised    Marx     for  enunciating      this   doctrine;'15'      but
  nevertheless   continued   to   think   in   terms   of   nations。   His   longest   work;
  ‘‘L'Empire       Knouto…Germanique            et  la   Revolution      Sociale;''    is  mainly
  concerned       with   the   situation    in  France    during     the  later   stages   of   the
  Franco…Prussian War; and with the means of resisting German imperialism。
  Most   of   his   writing   was   done   in   a   hurry   in   the   interval   between   two
  insurrections。 There is something of Anarchism in his lack of literary order。
  His best…known work is a fragment entitled by its editors ‘‘God and the
  State。'''16'
  In this work he represents belief in God and belief in the State as the
  two     great   obstacles    to  human      liberty。  A   typical   passage     will   serve   to
  illustrate its style。
  '15' ‘‘Marx; as a thinker; is on the right road。 He has established as a
  principle     that   all  the   evolutions;     political;   religious;    and    juridical;   in
  history are; not the causes; but the effects of economic evolutions。 This is
  a great and fruitful thought; which he has not absolutely invented; it has
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  been glimpsed; expressed in part; by many others besides him; but in any
  case   to   him   belongs   the   honor   of   having   solidly   established   it   and   of
  having enunciated it as the basis of his whole economic system。 (1870; ib。
  ii。 p。 xiii。)
  '16' This title is not Bakunin's; but was invented by Cafiero and Elisee
  Reclus;   who   edited   it;   not   knowing   that   it   was   a   fragment   of   what   was
  intended to he the second version of ‘‘L'Empire Knouto…Germanique'' (see
  ib。 ii。 p 283)。
  The State is not society; it is only an historical form of it; as brutal as it
  is   abstract。   It   was   born   historically   in   all   countries   of   the   marriage   of
  violence;   rapine;   pillage;   in     a   word;   war   and   conquest;   with       the   gods
  successively created by the theological fantasy of nations。 It has been from
  its origin; and it remains still at present; the divine sanction of brutal force
  and triumphant inequality。
  The State is authority; it is force; it is the ostentation and infatuation of
  force:   it   does   not   insinuate   itself;   it   does   not   seek   to   convert。   。   。   。   Even
  when it commands what is good; it   hinders and spoils it; just because   it
  commands         it;  and   because     every    command        provokes     and    excites    the
  legitimate revolts of liberty; and because the good; from the moment that
  it is commanded; becomes evil from the point of view of true morality; of
  human morality (doubtless not of divine); from the point of view of human
  respect   and   of   liberty。   Liberty;   morality;   and   the   human   dignity   of   man
  consist precisely in this; that he does good; not because it is commanded;
  but because he conceives it; wills it and loves it。
  We do not find   in Bakunin's works   a clear picture  of the society  at
  which   he   aimed;   or   any  argument   to   prove   that   such   a   society  could   be
  stable。 If we wish to understand Anarchism we must turn to his followers;
  and   especially  to   Kropotkinlike   him;   a   Russian   aristocrat   familiar   with
  the   prisons   of   Europe;   and;   like   him;   an Anarchist   who;   in   spite   of   his
  internationalism; is imbued with a fiery hatred of the Germans。
  Kropotkin has   devoted much   of his writing   to technical   questions   of
  production。 In ‘‘Fields; Factories and Workshops'' and ‘‘The Conquest of
  Bread'' he has set himself to prove that; if production were more scientific
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  and   better   organized;   a   comparatively   small   amount   of   quite   agreeable
  work      would     suffice    to  keep    the   whole     population      in  comfort。      Even
  assuming;   as   we   probably   must;   that   he   somewhat   exaggerates   what   is
  possible   with   our   present   scientific   knowledge;   it   must   nevertheless   be
  conceded   that   his   contentions   contain   a   very   large   measure   of   truth。   In
  attacking the subject of production he has shown that he knows what is the
  really   crucial   question。   If   civilization   and   progress   are   to   be   compatible
  with equality; it is necessary that equality should not involve long hours of
  painful toil for little more than the necessaries of life; since; where there is
  no leisure; art and science will die and all progress will become impossible。
  The objection which some feel to Socialism and Anarchism alike on this
  ground cannot be upheld in view of the possible productivity of labor。
  The system at which Kropotkin aims; whether or not it be possible; is
  certainly one which demands a very great improvement in the methods of
  production above what is common at present。 He desires to abolish wholly
  the system of wages; not only; as   most Socialists do; in the sense that   a
  man   is   to   be   paid   rather   for   his   willingness   to   work   than   for   the   actual
  work demanded of him; but in a more fundamental sense: there is to be no
  obligation   to   work;   and   all   things   are   to   be   shared   in   equal   proportions
  among   the      whole     population。      Kropotkin   relies     upon     the  possibility   of
  making work pleasant: he holds that; in such a community as he