第 17 节
作者:一意孤行      更新:2021-10-16 18:41      字数:9321
  with the reservation that such methods as the General Strike are not to be
  regarded   as   substitutes   for   the   violent   revolution   which   most Anarchists
  consider     necessary。     Their   attitude    in  this  matter    was    defined    at  the
  International Anarchist Congress held in Amsterdam in August; 1907。 This
  Congress recommended ‘‘comrades of all countries to actively participate
  in   autonomous       movements       of   the  working      class;  and   to   develop    in
  Syndicalist      organizations     the  ideas   of   revolt;  individual     initiative  and
  solidarity;    which     are  the   essence    of   Anarchism。''     Comrades      were    to
  ‘‘propagate   and   support   only   those   forms   and   manifestations   of   direct
  action which carry; in themselves; a revolutionary character and lead to the
  transformation of society。'' It was resolved that ‘‘the Anarchists think that
  the    destruction    of   the  capitalist   and   authoritary     society   can   only    be
  realized by armed insurrection and violent expropriation; and that the use
  of the more or less General Strike and the Syndicalist movement must not
  make us forget the more direct means of struggle against the military force
  of government。''
  Syndicalists might retort that when the movement is strong enough to
  win by armed insurrection it will be abundantly strong enough to win by
  the    General     Strike。   In  Labor     movements       generally;    success    through
  violence   can   hardly   be   expected   except   in   circumstances   where   success
  without violence is attainable。 This argument alone; even if there were no
  other; would be a very powerful reason against the methods advocated by
  the Anarchist Congress。
  Syndicalism       stands    for  what    is  known     as  industrial    unionism     as
  opposed   to   craft   unionism。   In   this   respect;   as   also   in   the   preference   of
  industrial to political methods; it is part of a movement which has spread
  far beyond France。 The distinction between industrial and craft unionism
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  is   much     dwelt   on   by   Mr。   Cole。    Craft   unionism     ‘‘unites   in  a   single
  association those workers who are engaged on a single industrial process;
  or on processes so nearly akin that any one can do another's work。'' But
  ‘‘organization may follow the lines; not of the work done; but of the actual
  structure of industry。 All workers working at producing a particular kind of
  commodity        may    be   organized     in  a  single   Union。    。  。  。  The  basis   of
  organization would be neither the craft to which a man belonged nor the
  employer      under    whom      he  worked;     but   the  service    on  which     he  was
  engaged。 This is Industrial Unionism properly so called。'28'
  '28' ‘‘World of Labour;'' pp。 212; 213。
  Industrial unionism is a product of America; and from America it has
  to some extent spread to Great Britain。 It is the natural form of fighting
  organization when the union is regarded as the means of carrying on the
  class war with a view; not to obtaining this or that minor amelioration; but
  to a radical revolution in the economic system。 This is the point of view
  adopted   by  the   ‘‘Industrial Workers   of the World;''   commonly  known   as
  the   I。   W。   W。   This   organization   more   or   less   corresponds   in   America   to
  what the C。 G。 T。 was in France before the war。 The differences between
  the two are those due to the different economic circumstances of the two
  countries; but their spirit is closely analogous。 The I。 W。 W。 is not united as
  to the ultimate form which it wishes society to take。 There are Socialists;
  Anarchists   and   Syndicalists   among   its   members。   But   it   is   clear   on   the
  immediate practical issue; that the class war is the fundamental reality in
  the present relations of labor and capital; and that it is by industrial action;
  especially by the strike; that emancipation must be sought。 The I。 W。 W。;
  like the C。 G。 T。; is not nearly so strong numerically as it is supposed to be
  by those who fear it。 Its influence is based; not upon its numbers; but upon
  its power of enlisting the sympathies of the workers in moments of crisis。
  The labor movement in America has been characterized on both sides
  by   very   great   violence。   Indeed;   the   Secretary   of   the   C。   G。   T。;   Monsieur
  Jouhaux; recognizes that the C。 G。 T。 is mild in comparison with the I。 W。
  W。   ‘‘The   I。   W。   W。;''   he   says;   ‘‘preach   a   policy   of   militant   action;   very
  necessary in parts of America; which would not do in France。'''29' A very
  interesting account of it; from the point of view of an author who is neither
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  wholly  on   the  side of   labor  nor   wholly  on the  side of   the  capitalist;   but
  disinterestedly anxious to find some solution of the social question short
  of violence and revolution; is the work of Mr。 John Graham Brooks; called
  ‘‘American Syndicalism: the I。 W。 W。'' (Macmillan; 1913)。 American labor
  conditions are very different from those of Europe。 In the first place; the
  power   of   the   trusts   is   enormous;   the   concentration   of   capital   has   in   this
  respect      proceeded      more     nearly     on   Marxian      lines    in   America      than
  anywhere else。 In the second place; the great influx of foreign labor makes
  the   whole   problem   quite   different   from   any   that   arises   in   Europe。   The
  older skilled workers; largely American born; have long been organized in
  the American Federation of Labor under Mr。 Gompers。 These represent an
  aristocracy   of   labor。   They   tend   to   work   with   the   employers   against   the
  great    mass     of  unskilled     immigrants;       and   they   cannot     be   regarded     as
  forming   part   of   anything   that   could   be   truly   called   a   labor   movement。
  ‘‘There are;'' says Mr。 Cole; ‘‘now in America two working classes; with
  different standards of life; and both are at present almost impotent in the
  face of the employers。 Nor is it possible for these two classes to unite or to
  put forward any demands。 。 。 。 The American Federation of Labor and the
  Industrial     Workers      of   the  World     represent     two    different   principles     of
  combination;   but   they   also   represent   two   different   classes   of   labor。'''30'
  The     I。  W。   W。    stands    for   industrial    unionism;      whereas     the   American
  Federation of Labor stands for craft unionism。 The I。 W。 W。 were formed
  in 1905 by a union of organizations; chief among which was the Western
  Federation of Miners; which dated from 1892。 They suffered a split by the
  loss   of   the   followers   of   Deleon;   who   was   the   leader   of   the   ‘‘Socialist
  Labor      Party''  and    advocated      a  ‘‘Don't    vote''  policy;    while    reprobating
  violent   methods。   The   headquarters   of   the   party   which   he   formed   are   at
  Detroit; and those of the main body are at Chicago。 The I。 W。 W。; though it
  has   a   less   definite   philosophy   than   French   Syndicalism;   is   quite   equally
  determined   to   destroy   the   capitalist   system。   As   its   secretary   has          said:
  ‘‘There   is   but   one   bargain   the   I。   W。   W。   will   make   with   the   employing
  class    complete      surrender     of  all  control    of   industry    to  the   organized
  workers。'''31'  Mr。   Haywood;  of   the Western   Federation of   Miners;  is   an
  out…and…out   follower   of   Marx   so   far   as   concerns   the   class   war   and   the
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  doctrine   of   surplus   value。   But;   like   all   who   are   in   this   movement;   he
  attaches more importance to industrial as against political action than do
  the European followers of Marx。 This is no doubt partly explicable by the
  special circumstances of America; where the recent immigrants are apt to
  be   voteless。   The   fourth   convention   of   the   I。   W。   W。   revised   a   preamble
  giving   the   general   principles   underlying   its   action。   ‘‘The   working   class
  and the employing class;'' they say; ‘‘have nothing in common。 There can
  be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of the
  working people and the few; who make up the employing class; have all
  the good things of life。 Between these two classes; a struggle must go on
  until the workers of the