gation；　but　I　am　certain　it　is　highly　beneficial　to　those　who　decide　the　litigation；　and　I　look　upon　it　as　one　of　the　most　efficacious　means　for　the　education　of　the　people　which　society　can　employ。
  What　I　have　hitherto　said　applies　to　all　nations；　but　the　remark　I　am　now　about　to　make　is　peculiar　to　the　Americans　and　to　democratic　peoples。　I　have　already　observed　that　in　democracies　the　members　of　the　legal　profession　and　the　magistrates　constitute　the　only　aristocratic　body　which　can　check　the　irregularities　of　the　people。　　This　aristocracy　is　invested　with　no　physical　power；　but　it　exercises　its　conservative　influence　upon　the　minds　of　men；　and　the　most　abundant　source　of　its　authority　is　the　institution　of　the　civil　jury。　　In　criminal　causes；　when　society　is　armed　against　a　single　individual；　the　jury　is　apt　to　look　upon　the　judge　as　the　passive　instrument　of　social　power；　and　to　mistrust　his　advice。　　Moreover；　criminal　causes　are　entirely　founded　upon　the　evidence　of　facts　which　common　sense　can　readily　appreciate；　upon　this　ground　the　judge　and　the　jury　are　equal。　　Such；　however；　is　not　the　case　in　civil　causes；　then　the　judge　appears　as　a　disinterested　arbiter　between　the　conflicting　passions　of　the　parties。　　The　jurors　look　up　to　him　with　confidence　and　listen　to　him　with　respect；　for　in　this　instance　their　intelligence　is　completely　under　the　control　of　his　learning。　　It　is　the　judge　who　sums　up　the　various　arguments　with　which　their　memory　has　been　wearied　out；　and　who　guides　them　through　the　devious　course　of　the　proceedings；　he　points　their　attention　to　the　exact　question　of　fact　which　they　are　called　upon　to　solve；　and　he　puts　the　answer　to　the　question　of　law　into　their　mouths。　　His　influence　upon　their　verdict　is　almost　unlimited。
  If　I　am　called　upon　to　explain　why　I　am　but　little　moved　by　the　arguments　derived　from　the　ignorance　of　jurors　in　civil　causes；　I　reply；　that　in　these　proceedings；　whenever　the　question　to　be　solved　is　not　a　mere　question　of　fact；　the　jury　has　only　the　semblance　of　a　judicial　body。　　The　jury　sanctions　the　decision　of　the　judge；　they　by　the　authority　of　society　which　they　represent；　and　he　by　that　of　reason　and　of　law。　*h
  ＇Footnote　h：　See　Appendix；　R。＇
  In　England　and　in　America　the　judges　exercise　an　influence　upon　criminal　trials　which　the　French　judges　have　never　possessed。　　The　reason　of　this　difference　may　easily　be　discovered；　the　English　and　American　magistrates　establish　their　authority　in　civil　causes；　and　only　transfer　it　afterwards　to　tribunals　of　another　kind；　where　that　authority　was　not　acquired。　　In　some　cases　（and　they　are　frequently　the　most　important　ones）　the　American　judges　have　the　right　of　deciding　causes　alone。　*i　Upon　these　occasions　they　are　accidentally　placed　in　the　position　which　the　French　judges　habitually　occupy；　but　they　are　invested　with　far　more　power　than　the　latter；　they　are　still　surrounded　by　the　reminiscence　of　the　jury；　and　their　judgment　has　almost　as　much　authority　as　the　voice　of　the　community　at　large；　represented　by　that　institution。　　Their　influence　extends　beyond　the　limits　of　the　courts；　in　the　recreations　of　private　life　as　well　as　in　the　turmoil　of　public　business；　abroad　and　in　the　legislative　assemblies；　the　American　judge　is　constantly　surrounded　by　men　who　are　accustomed　to　regard　his　intelligence　as　superior　to　their　own；　and　after　having　exercised　his　power　in　the　decision　of　causes；　he　continues　to　influence　the　habits　of　thought　and　the　characters　of　the　individuals　who　took　a　part　in　his　judgment。
  ＇Footnote　i：　The　Federal　judges　decide　upon　their　own　authority　almost　all　the　questions　most　important　to　the　country。＇
  The　jury；　then；　which　seems　to　restrict　the　rights　of　magistracy；　does　in　reality　consolidate　its　power；　and　in　no　country　are　the　judges　so　powerful　as　there；　where　the　people　partakes　their　privileges。　　It　is　more　especially　by　means　of　the　jury　in　civil　causes　that　the　American　magistrates　imbue　all　classes　of　society　with　the　spirit　of　their　profession。　　Thus　the　jury；　which　is　the　most　energetic　means　of　making　the　people　rule；　is　also　the　most　efficacious　means　of　teaching　it　to　rule　well。
  Chapter　XVII：　Principal　Causes　Maintaining　The　Democratic　Republic　…　Part　I
  Principal　Causes　Which　Tend　To　Maintain　The　Democratic　Republic　In　The　United　States
  A　democratic　republic　subsists　in　the　United　States；　and　the　principal　object　of　this　book　has　been　to　account　for　the　fact　of　its　existence。　Several　of　the　causes　which　contribute　to　maintain　the　institutions　of　America　have　been　involuntarily　passed　by　or　only　hinted　at　as　I　was　borne　along　by　my　subject。　　Others　I　have　been　unable　to　discuss；　and　those　on　which　I　have　dwelt　most　are；　as　it　were；　buried　in　the　details　of　the　former　parts　of　this　work。　　I　think；　therefore；　that　before　I　proceed　to　speak　of　the　future；　I　cannot　do　better　than　collect　within　a　small　compass　the　reasons　which　best　explain　the　present。　　In　this　retrospective　chapter　I　shall　be　succinct；　for　I　shall　take　care　to　remind　the　reader　very　summarily　of　what　he　already　knows；　and　I　shall　only　select　the　most　prominent　of　those　facts　which　I　have　not　yet　pointed　out。
  All　the　causes　which　contribute　to　the　maintenance　of　the　democratic　republic　in　the　United　States　are　reducible　to　three　heads：　…
  I。　The　peculiar　and　accidental　situation　in　which　Providence　has　placed　the　Americans。
  II。　The　laws。
  III。　The　manners　and　customs　of　the　people。
  Accidental　Or　Providential　Causes　Which　Contribute　To　The　Maintenance　Of　The　Democratic　Republic　In　The　United　States　　The　Union　has　no　neighbors　…　No　metropolis　…　The　Americans　have　had　the　chances　of　birth　in　their　favor　…　America　an　empty　country　…　How　this　circumstance　contributes　powerfully　to　the　maintenance　of　the　democratic　republic　in　America　…　How　the　American　wilds　are　peopled　…　Avidity　of　the　Anglo…Americans　in　taking　possession　of　the　solitudes　of　the　New　World　…Influence　of　physical　prosperity　upon　the　political　opinions　of　the　Americans。
  A　thousand　circumstances；　independent　of　the　will　of　man；　concur　to　facilitate　the　maintenance　of　a　democratic　republic　in　the　United　States。　Some　of　these　peculiarities　are　known；　the　others　may　easily　be　pointed　out；　but　I　shall　confine　myself　to　the　most　prominent　amongst　them。
  The　Americans　have　no　neighbors；　and　consequently　they　have　no　great　wars；　or　financial　crises；　or　inroads；　or　conquest　to　dread；　they　require　neither　great　taxes；　nor　great　armies；　nor　great　generals；　and　they　have　nothing　to　fear　from　a　scourge　which　is　more　formidable　to　republics　than　all　these　evils　combined；　namely；　military　glory。　　It　is　impossible　to　deny　the　inconceivable　influence　which　military　glory　exercises　upon　the　spirit　of　a　nation。　　General　Jackson；　whom　the　Americans　have　twice　elected　to　the　head　of　their　Government；　is　a　man　of　a　violent　temper　and　mediocre　talents；　no　one　circumstance　in　the　whole　course　of　his　career　ever　proved　that　he　is　qualified　to　govern　a　free　people；　and　indeed　the　majority　of　the　enlightened　classes　of　the　Union　has　always　been　opposed　to　him。　　But　he　was　raised　to　the　Presidency；　and　has　been　maintained　in　that　lofty　station；　solely　by　the　recollection　of　a　victory　which　he　gained　twenty　years　ago　under　the　walls　of　New　Orleans；　a　victory　which　was；　however；　a　very　ordinary　achievement；　and　which　could　only　be　remembered　in　a　country　where　battles　are　rare。　　Now　the　people　which　is　thus　carried　away　by　the　illusions　of　glory　is　unquestionably　the　most　cold　and　calculating；　the　most　unmilitary　（if　I　may　use　the　expression）；　and　the　most　prosaic　of　all　the　peoples　of　the　earth。
  America　has　no　great　capital　*a　city；　whose　influence　is　directly　or　indirectly　felt　over　the　whole　extent　of　the　country；　which　I　hold　to　be　one　of　the　first　causes　of　the　maintenance　of　republican　institutions　in　the　United　States。　　In　cities　men　cannot　be　prevented　from　concerting　together；　and　from　awakening　a　mutual　excitement　which　prompts　sudden　and　passionate　resolutions。　　Cities　may　be　looked　upon　as　large　assemblies；　of　which　all　the　inhabitants　are　members；　their　populace　exercises　a　prodigious　influence　upon　the　magistrates；　and　frequently　executes　its　own　wishes　without　their　intervention。
  ＇Footnote　a：　The　United　States　have　no　metropolis；　but　they　already　contain　several　very　large　cities。　　Philadelphia　reckoned　161；000　inhabitants　and　New　York　202；000　in　the　year　1830。　　The　lower　orders　which　inhabit　these　cities　constitute　a　rabble　even　more　formidable　than　the　populace　of　European　towns。　They　consist　of　freed　blacks　in　the　first　place；　who　are　condemned　by　the　laws　and　by　public　opinion　to　a　hereditary　state　of　misery　and　degradation。　They　also　contain　a　multitude　of　Europeans　who　have　been　driven　to　the　shores　of　the　New　World　by　their　misfortunes　or　their　misconduct；　and　these　men　inoculate　the　United　States　with　all　our　vices；　without　bringing　with　them　any　of　those　interests　which　counteract　their　baneful　influence。　　As　inhabitants　of　a　country　where　they　have　no　civil　rights；　they　are　ready　to　turn　all　the　passions　which　agitate　the　community　to　their　own　advantage；　thus；　within　the　last　few　months　serious　riots　have　broken　out　in　Philadelphia　and　in