other　part　of　this　work　I　shall　attempt　to　determinate　the　degree　of　influence　which　the　liberty　of　the　press　has　exercised　upon　civil　society　in　the　United　States；　and　to　point　out　the　direction　which　it　has　given　to　the　ideas；　as　well　as　the　tone　which　it　has　imparted　to　the　character　and　the　feelings；　of　the　Anglo…Americans；　but　at　present　I　purpose　simply　to　examine　the　effects　produced　by　the　liberty　of　the　press　in　the　political　world。
  I　confess　that　I　do　not　entertain　that　firm　and　complete　attachment　to　the　liberty　of　the　press　which　things　that　are　supremely　good　in　their　very　nature　are　wont　to　excite　in　the　mind；　and　I　approve　of　it　more　from　a　recollection　of　the　evils　it　prevents　than　from　a　consideration　of　the　advantages　it　ensures。
  If　any　one　could　point　out　an　intermediate　and　yet　a　tenable　position　between　the　complete　independence　and　the　entire　subjection　of　the　public　expression　of　opinion；　I　should　perhaps　be　inclined　to　adopt　it；　but　the　difficulty　is　to　discover　this　position。　　If　it　is　your　intention　to　correct　the　abuses　of　unlicensed　printing　and　to　restore　the　use　of　orderly　language；　you　may　in　the　first　instance　try　the　offender　by　a　jury；　but　if　the　jury　acquits　him；　the　opinion　which　was　that　of　a　single　individual　becomes　the　opinion　of　the　country　at　large。　　Too　much　and　too　little　has　therefore　hitherto　been　done。　　If　you　proceed；　you　must　bring　the　delinquent　before　a　court　of　permanent　judges。　　But　even　here　the　cause　must　be　heard　before　it　can　be　decided；　and　the　very　principles　which　no　book　would　have　ventured　to　avow　are　blazoned　forth　in　the　pleadings；　and　what　was　obscurely　hinted　at　in　a　single　composition　is　then　repeated　in　a　multitude　of　other　publications。　The　language　in　which　a　thought　is　embodied　is　the　mere　carcass　of　the　thought；　and　not　the　idea　itself；　tribunals　may　condemn　the　form；　but　the　sense　and　spirit　of　the　work　is　too　subtle　for　their　authority。　Too　much　has　still　been　done　to　recede；　too　little　to　attain　your　end；　you　must　therefore　proceed。　　If　you　establish　a　censorship　of　the　press；　the　tongue　of　the　public　speaker　will　still　make　itself　heard；　and　you　have　only　increased　the　mischief。　　The　powers　of　thought　do　not　rely；　like　the　powers　of　physical　strength；　upon　the　number　of　their　mechanical　agents；　nor　can　a　host　of　authors　be　reckoned　like　the　troops　which　compose　an　army；　on　the　contrary；　the　authority　of　a　principle　is　often　increased　by　the　smallness　of　the　number　of　men　by　whom　it　is　expressed。　　The　words　of　a　strong…minded　man；　which　penetrate　amidst　the　passions　of　a　listening　assembly；　have　more　power　than　the　vociferations　of　a　thousand　orators；　and　if　it　be　allowed　to　speak　freely　in　any　public　place；　the　consequence　is　the　same　as　if　free　speaking　was　allowed　in　every　village。　　The　liberty　of　discourse　must　therefore　be　destroyed　as　well　as　the　liberty　of　the　press；　this　is　the　necessary　term　of　your　efforts；　but　if　your　object　was　to　repress　the　abuses　of　liberty；　they　have　brought　you　to　the　feet　of　a　despot。　　You　have　been　led　from　the　extreme　of　independence　to　the　extreme　of　subjection　without　meeting　with　a　single　tenable　position　for　shelter　or　repose。
  There　are　certain　nations　which　have　peculiar　reasons　for　cherishing　the　liberty　of　the　press；　independently　of　the　general　motives　which　I　have　just　pointed　out。　　For　in　certain　countries　which　profess　to　enjoy　the　privileges　of　freedom　every　individual　agent　of　the　Government　may　violate　the　laws　with　impunity；　since　those　whom　he　oppresses　cannot　prosecute　him　before　the　courts　of　justice。　　In　this　case　the　liberty　of　the　press　is　not　merely　a　guarantee；　but　it　is　the　only　guarantee；　of　their　liberty　and　their　security　which　the　citizens　possess。　　If　the　rulers　of　these　nations　propose　to　abolish　the　independence　of　the　press；　the　people　would　be　justified　in　saying：　Give　us　the　right　of　prosecuting　your　offences　before　the　ordinary　tribunals；　and　perhaps　we　may　then　waive　our　right　of　appeal　to　the　tribunal　of　public　opinion。
  But　in　the　countries　in　which　the　doctrine　of　the　sovereignty　of　the　people　ostensibly　prevails；　the　censorship　of　the　press　is　not　only　dangerous；　but　it　is　absurd。　　When　the　right　of　every　citizen　to　co…operate　in　the　government　of　society　is　acknowledged；　every　citizen　must　be　presumed　to　possess　the　power　of　discriminating　between　the　different　opinions　of　his　contemporaries；　and　of　appreciating　the　different　facts　from　which　inferences　may　be　drawn。　　The　sovereignty　of　the　people　and　the　liberty　of　the　press　may　therefore　be　looked　upon　as　correlative　institutions；　just　as　the　censorship　of　the　press　and　universal　suffrage　are　two　things　which　are　irreconcilably　opposed；　and　which　cannot　long　be　retained　among　the　institutions　of　the　same　people。　　Not　a　single　individual　of　the　twelve　millions　who　inhabit　the　territory　of　the　United　States　has　as　yet　dared　to　propose　any　restrictions　to　the　liberty　of　the　press。　　The　first　newspaper　over　which　I　cast　my　eyes；　upon　my　arrival　in　America；　contained　the　following　article：
  In　all　this　affair　the　language　of　Jackson　has　been　that　of　a　heartless　despot；　solely　occupied　with　the　preservation　of　his　own　authority。　Ambition　is　his　crime；　and　it　will　be　his　punishment　too：　intrigue　is　his　native　element；　and　intrigue　will　confound　his　tricks；　and　will　deprive　him　of　his　power：　he　governs　by　means　of　corruption；　and　his　immoral　practices　will　redound　to　his　shame　and　confusion。　　His　conduct　in　the　political　arena　has　been　that　of　a　shameless　and　lawless　gamester。　　He　succeeded　at　the　time；　but　the　hour　of　retribution　approaches；　and　he　will　be　obliged　to　disgorge　his　winnings；　to　throw　aside　his　false　dice；　　and　to　end　his　days　in　some　retirement；　where　he　may　curse　his　madness　at　his　leisure；　for　repentance　is　a　virtue　with　which　his　heart　is　likely　to　remain　forever　unacquainted。
  It　is　not　uncommonly　imagined　in　France　that　the　virulence　of　the　press　originates　in　the　uncertain　social　condition；　in　the　political　excitement；　and　the　general　sense　of　consequent　evil　which　prevail　in　that　country；　and　it　is　therefore　supposed　that　as　soon　as　society　has　resumed　a　certain　degree　of　composure　the　press　will　abandon　its　present　vehemence。　　I　am　inclined　to　think　that　the　above　causes　explain　the　reason　of　the　extraordinary　ascendency　it　has　acquired　over　the　nation；　but　that　they　do　not　exercise　much　influence　upon　the　tone　of　its　language。　The　periodical　press　appears　to　me　to　be　actuated　by　passions　and　propensities　independent　of　the　circumstances　in　which　it　is　placed；　and　the　present　position　of　America　corroborates　this　opinion。
  America　is　perhaps；　at　this　moment；　the　country　of　the　whole　world　which　contains　the　fewest　germs　of　revolution；　but　the　press　is　not　less　destructive　in　its　principles　than　in　France；　and　it　displays　the　same　violence　without　the　same　reasons　for　indignation。　　In　America；　as　in　France；　it　constitutes　a　singular　power；　so　strangely　composed　of　mingled　good　and　evil　that　it　is　at　the　same　time　indispensable　to　the　existence　of　freedom；　and　nearly　incompatible　with　the　maintenance　of　public　order。　Its　power　is　certainly　much　greater　in　France　than　in　the　United　States；　though　nothing　is　more　rare　in　the　latter　country　than　to　hear　of　a　prosecution　having　been　instituted　against　it。　　The　reason　of　this　is　perfectly　simple：　the　Americans；　having　once　admitted　the　doctrine　of　the　sovereignty　of　the　people；　apply　it　with　perfect　consistency。　　It　was　never　their　intention　to　found　a　permanent　state　of　things　with　elements　which　undergo　daily　modifications；　and　there　is　consequently　nothing　criminal　in　an　attack　upon　the　existing　laws；　provided　it　be　not　attended　with　a　violent　infraction　of　them。　　They　are　moreover　of　opinion　that　courts　of　justice　are　unable　to　check　the　abuses　of　the　press；　and　that　as　the　subtilty　of　human　language　perpetually　eludes　the　severity　of　judicial　analysis；　offences　of　this　nature　are　apt　to　escape　the　hand　which　attempts　to　apprehend　them。　　They　hold　that　to　act　with　efficacy　upon　the　press　it　would　be　necessary　to　find　a　tribunal；　not　only　devoted　to　the　existing　order　of　things；　but　capable　of　surmounting　the　influence　of　public　opinion；　a　tribunal　which　should　conduct　its　proceedings　without　publicity；　which　should　pronounce　its　decrees　without　assigning　its　motives；　and　punish　the　intentions　even　more　than　the　language　of　an　author。　　Whosoever　should　have　the　power　of　creating　and　maintaining　a　tribunal　of　this　kind　would　waste　his　time　in　prosecuting　the　liberty　of　the　press；　for　he　would　be　the　supreme　master　of　the　whole　community；　and　he　would　be　as　free　to　rid　himself　of　the　authors　as　of　their　writings。　　In　this　question；　therefore；　there　is　no　medium　between　servitude　and　extreme　license；　in　order　to　enjoy　the　inestimable　benefits　which　the　liberty　of　the　press　ensures；　it　is　necessary　to　submit　to　the　inevitable　evils　which　it　engenders。　　To　expect　to　acquire　the　former　and　to　escape　the　latter　is　to　cherish　one　of　those　illusions　which　commonly　mislead　nations　in　their　times　of　sickness；　when；　tired　with　faction　and　exhausted　by　effort；　they　attempt　to　combine　hostile　opinions　and　contrary　principles　upon　the　same　soil。
  The　small　influence　of