第 37 节
作者:朝令夕改      更新:2021-02-25 00:18      字数:9322
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  In spite of the first rebuff; therefore; he persuaded the miners and the operators to agree to the appointment of an arbitration commission; and this suggested a settlement which both contestants accepted。 It ended the great coal strike of 1902; but it left behind it much indignation among the American people; who realized for the first time that one of the three or four great industries essential to the welfare and even to the life itself of the Nation; was in the hands of men who preferred their selfish interests to those of the Nation。 It taught several other lessons also; it taught; for instance; that great combinations of Labor may be as dangerous as those of Capital; and as heedless of everything except their own selfish control。 It taught that the people of the States and of the Nation could not go on forever without taking steps to put an end to the already dangerous hostility between Capital and Labor; and that that end must be the establishment of justice for all。 An apologist of the 〃coal barons〃 might have pleaded that they held out not merely for their private gain on that occasion; but in order to defeat the growing menace of Labor。 Their stubbornness might turn back the rising flood of socialism。
  Respecters of legal precedent; on the other hand; criticised the President。 They acknowledged his good intentions; but they pointed out that his extra…legal interference set an ominously bad example。 And some of them would have preferred to go cold all winter; and even to have had the quarrel sink into civil war; rather than to have had the constitutional ideals of the Nation distorted or obscured by the President's good…natured endeavor。 Roosevelt himself; however; never held this opinion。 In 1915; he wrote to Mr。 Washburn: 〃I think the settlement of the coal strike was much the most important thing I did about Labor; from every standpoint。〃
  I find an intimate letter of his which dates from the time of the conflict itself and gives frankly his motives and apology; if we should call it that。 He admits that his action was not strictly legal; but he asks that; if the President of the United States may not intervene to prevent a widespread calamity; what is his authority worth? If it had been a national strike of iron…workers or miners; he would have held himself aloof; but the coal strike affected a product necessary to the life and health of the people。 It was easy enough for well…to…do gentlemen to say that they had rather go cold and see the fight carried。 through until the strikers submitted; than to have legal precedence ignored; for these gentlemen had money enough to buy fuel at even an exorbitant price; and they would be warm anyway; while the great mass of the population froze。 I may add that it seems more legal than sensible that any official chosen to preserve the public welfare and health should not be allowed to interpose against persons who would destroy both; and may stir only after the destroyers have caused the catastrophe they aimed at。
  Roosevelt's action in the great coal strike not only averted the danger; but it also gave Labor means of judging him fairly。 Every demagogue; from the days of Cleon down; has talked glibly in behalf of the downtrodden or unjustly treated working…men; and we might suppose that the demagogue has acquired enlargement of the heart; owing to his overpowering sympathy with Labor。 But the questions we have to ask about demagogues are two: Is he sincere? Is he wise?
  Sincerity alone has been rather too much exalted as an excuse for the follies and crimes of fanatics and zealots; blatherskites and cranks。 Some of our 〃lunatic fringe〃 of reformers have been heard to palliate the Huns' atrocities in Belgium; by the plea: 〃Ah; but they were so perfectly sincere!〃 Sincerity alone; therefore; is not enough; it must be wise or it may be diabolical。 Now Roosevelt was both sincere and wise。 He left no doubt in the strikers' minds that he sympathized with their sufferings and grievances and with their attempts to better their condition; so far as this could be achieved without violence; and without leaving a permanent state of war between Labor and Capital。 In a word; he did not aim at merely patching up a temporary peace; but at finding; and when found; applying; a remedy to the deep…rooted causes of the quarrel。
  In his first message to Congress; the new President said: 〃The most vital problem with which this country; and; for that matter; the whole civilized world; has to deal; is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions; moral and physical; in large cities; and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of far…reaching questions which we group together when we speak of 'labor。'〃
  By his settlement of the coal strike; Roosevelt showed the workers that he would practice towards them the justice which he preached; but this did not mean that he would be unjust towards the capitalists。 They; too; should have justice; and they had it。 He never intended to coddle laborers or to make them feel that; having a grievance; as they alleged; they must be specially favored。 Since Labor is; or should be; common to all men; Roosevelt believed that every laborer; whether farmer or mechanic; employer or employee; merchant or financier; should stand erect and look every other man straight in the eyes; and neither look up nor down; but with level gaze; fearless; uncringing; uncondescending。 The laws he proposed; the adjustments he arranged; had the self…respect; the dignity; of the individual; for their aim。 He knew that nothing could be more dangerous to the public; or more harmful to the laboring class itself; than to make of it a privileged class; absolved from the obligations; and even from the laws; which bound the rest of the community。 By this ideal he set a great gulf between himself and the demagogues who fawned upon Labor and corrupted it by granting its unjust demands。
  He had always present before him a vision of the sacred Oneness of the body politic。 This made him the greatest of modern Democrats; and the chief interpreter; as it seems to me; of the highest ideal of American Democracy。 The ideal of Oneness can never be realized in a State which permits a single class to enjoy privileges of its own at the expense of all other classes; and it makes no difference whether this class belongs to the Proletariat or to the Plutocracy。 Equality before the law; and justice; are the two eternal instruments for establishing the true Democracy。 And I do not recall that in any of the measures which Roosevelt supported these two vital principles were violated。 The following brief quotations from later messages summarize his creed:
  'In the vast and complicated mechanism of our modern civilized life; the dominant note is the note of industrialism; and the relations of capital and labor; and especially of organized capital and organized labor; to each other; and to the public at large; come second in importance only to the intimate questions of family life。'
  The corporation has come to stay; just as the trade union has come to stay。 Each can do and has done great good。 Each should be favored as long as it does good; but each should be sharply checked where it acts against law and justice。
  Any one can profess a creed; Theodore Roosevelt lived his。
  Nothing better tested his impartiality than the strike of the Federation of Western Miners in 1907。 Many murders and much violence were attributed to this organization and they were charged with assassinating Governor Steunenberg of Idaho。 Their leaders; Moyer and Haywood; were anarchists like themselves; and although they professed contempt for law; as soon as they were arrested and brought up for trial; they clutched at every quibble of the law; as drowning men clutch at straws to save them; and; be it said to the glory or shame of the law; it furnished enough quibbles; not only to save them from the gallows; but to let them loose again on society with the legal whitewash 〃not guilty〃 stamped upon them。
  Roosevelt understood the great importance of punishing these men; and he committed the indiscretion of classing them with certain big capitalists as 〃undesirable citizens。〃 Members of the Federation then wrote him denouncing his attempt to prejudice the courts against Moyer and Haywood; and they resented that their leaders should be coupled with Harriman and other big capitalists as 〃undesirable citizens。〃 This gave the President the opportunity to reply that such criticism did not come appropriately from the Federation; for they and their supporters had got up parades; mass…meetings; and petitions in favor of Moyer and Haywood and for the direct purpose of intimidating the court and jury。 〃You want;〃 he said in substance; 〃the square deal for the defendants only。 I want the square deal for every one〃; and he added; 〃It is equally a violation of the policy of the square deal for a capitalist to protest against denunciation of a capitalist who is guilty of wrongdoing and for a labor leader to pro test against the denunciation of a labor leader who has been guilty of wrongdoing。〃 *
  * Autobiography; 531。
  But Moyer and Haywood; as I have said; escaped punishment; and before long Haywood reappeared a