bad　results。　And　in　point　of　fact　the　Enquirer　was　right；　for　in
  October；　1862；　after　the　expiration　of　the　first　act　suspending
  the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus；　Congress　passed　a
  second　giving　to　the　President　the　immense　power　which　was　now
  claimed　for　him　again。　This　second　act　was　in　force　several
  months。　Then　the　Mercury　made　the　astounding　declaration　that　it
  had　never　heard　of　the　second　act；　and　thereupon　proceeded　to
  attack　the　secrecy　of　the　Administration　with　renewed　vigor。
  On　this　issue　of　reviving　the　expired　second　Habeas　Corpus　Act；　a
  battle　royal　was　fought　in　the　Confederate　Congress。　The　forces
  of　the　Administration　defended　the　new　measure　on　the　ground
  that　various　regions　were　openly　seditious　and　that　conscription
  could　not　be　enforced　without　it。　This　argument　gave　a　new　text
  for　the　cry　of　〃despotism。〃　The　congressional　leader　of　the
  opposition　was　Henry　S。　Foote；　once　the　rival　of　Davis　in
  Mississippi　and　now　a　citizen　of　Tennessee。　Fierce；　vindictive；
  sometimes　convincing；　always　shrewd；　he　was　a　powerful　leader　of
  the　rough　and　ready；　buccaneering　sort。　Under　his　guidance　the
  debate　was　diverted　into　a　rancorous　discussion　of　the　conduct　of
  the　general's　in　the　execution　of　martial　law。　Foote　pulled　out
  all　the　stops　in　the　organ　of　political　rhetoric　and　went　in　for
  a　chant　royal　of　righteous　indignation。　The　main　object　of　this
  attack　was　General　Hindman　and　his　doings　in　Arkansas。　Those　were
  still　the　days　of　pamphleteering。　Though　General　Albert　Pike　had
  written　a　severe　pamphlet　condemning　Hindman；　to　this　pamphlet
  the　Confederate　Government　had　shut　its　eyes。　Foote；　however；
  flourished　it　in　the　face　of　the　House。　He　thundered　forth　his
  belief　that　Hindman　was　worse　even　than　the　man　most　detested　in
  the　South；　than　〃beast　Butler　himself；　for　the　latter　is　only
  charged　with　persecuting　and　oppressing　the　avowed　enemies　of　his
  Government；　while　Hindman；　if　guilty　as　charged；　has　practised
  cruelties　unnumbered〃　on　his　people。　Other　representatives　spoke
  in　the　same　vein。　Baldwin　of　Virginia　told　harrowing　tales　of
  martial　law　in　that　State。　Barksdale　attempted　to　retaliate；
  sarcastically　reminding　him　of　a　recent　scene　of　riot　and
  disorder　which　proved　that　martial　law；　in　any　effective　form；
  did　not　exist　in　Virginia。　He　alluded　to　a　riot；　ostensibly　for
  bread；　in　which　an　Amazonian　woman　had　led　a　mob　to　the　pillaging
  of　the　Richmond　jewelry　shops；　a　riot　which　Davis　himself　had
  quelled　by　meeting　the　rioters　and　threatening　to　fire　upon　them。
  But　sarcasm　proved　powerless　against　Foote。　His　climax　was　a
  lurid　tale　of　a　soldier　who　while　marching　past　his　own　house
  heard　that　his　wife　was　dying；　who　left　the　ranks　for　a　last　word
  with　her；　and　who　on　rejoining　the　command；　〃hoping　to　get
  permission　to　bury　her；〃　was　shot　as　a　deserter。　And　there　was　no
  one　on　the　Government　benches　to　anticipate　Kipling　and　cry　out
  〃flat　art！〃　Resolutions　condemning　martial　law　were　passed　by　a
  vote　of　45　to　27。
  Two　weeks　later　the　Mercury　preached　a　burial　sermon　over　the
  Barksdale　Bill；　which　had　now　been　rejected　by　the　House。
  Congress　was　about　to　adjourn；　and　before　it　reassembled
  elections　for　the　next　House　would　be　held。　〃The　measure　is　dead
  for　the　present；〃　said　the　Mercury；　〃but　power　is　ever　restive
  and　prone　to　accumulate　power；　and　if　the　war　continues；　other
  efforts　will　doubtless　be　made　to　make　the　President　a　Dictator。
  Let　the　people　keep　their　eyes　steadily　fixed　on　their
  representatives　with　respect　to　this　vital　matter；　and　should　the
  effort　again　be　made　to　suspend　the　Habeas　Corpus　Act；　demand
  that　a　recorded　vote　should　show　those　who　shall　strike　down
  their　liberties。〃
  Chapter　V。　The　Critical　Year
  The　great　military　events　of　the　year　1863　have　pushed　out　of
  men's　memories　the　less　dramatic　but　scarcely　less　important
  civil　events。　To　begin　with；　in　this　year　two　of　the　greatest
  personalities　in　the　South　passed　from　the　political　stage：　in
  the　summer　Yancey　died；　and　in　the　autumn；　Rhett　went　into
  retirement。
  The　ever　malicious　Pollard　insists　that　Yancey's　death　was　due
  ultimately　to　a　personal　encounter　with　a　Senator　from　Georgia　on
  the　floor　of　the　Senate。　The　curious　may　find　the　discreditable
  story　embalmed　in　the　secret　journal　of　the　Senate；　where　are　the
  various　motions　designed　to　keep　the　incident　from　the　knowledge
  of　the　world。　Whether　it　really　caused　Yancey's　death　is　another
  question。　However；　the　moment　of　his　passing　has　dramatic
  significance。　Just　as　the　battle　over　conscription　was　fully
  begun；　when　the　fear　that　the　Confederate　Government　had　arrayed
  itself　against　the　rights　of　the　States　had　definitely　taken
  shape；　when　this　dread　had　been　reenforced　by　the　alarm　over　the
  suspension　of　habeas　corpus；　the　great　pioneer　of　the　secession
  movement　went　to　his　grave；　despairing　of　the　country　he　had
  failed　to　lead。　His　death　occurred　in　the　same　month　as　the
  Battle　of　Gettysburg；　at　the　very　time　when　the　Confederacy　was
  dividing　against　itself。
  The　withdrawal　of　Rhett　from　active　life　was　an　incident　of　the
  congressional　elections。　He　had　consented　to　stand　for　Congress
  in　the　Third　District　of　South　Carolina　but　was　defeated。　The
  full　explanation　of　the　vote　is　still　to　be　made　plain；　it　seems
  clear；　however；　that　South　Carolina　at　this　time　knew　its　own
  mind　quite　positively。　Five　of　the　six　representatives　returned
  to　the　Second　Congress；　including　Rhett's　opponent；　Lewis　M。
  Ayer；　had　sat　in　the　First　Congress。　The　subsequent　history　of
  the　South　Carolina　delegation　and　of　the　State　Government　shows
  that　by　1863　South　Carolina　had　become；　broadly　speaking；　on
  almost　all　issues　an　anti…Davis　State。　And　yet　the　largest
  personality　and　probably　the　ablest　mind　in　the　State　was
  rejected　as　a　candidate　for　Congress。　No　character　in　American
  history　is　a　finer　challenge　to　the　biographer　than　this　powerful
  figure　of　Rhett；　who　in　1861　at　the　supreme　crisis　of　his　life
  seemed　the　master　of　his　world　and　yet　in　every　lesser　crisis　was
  a　comparative　failure。　As　in　Yancey；　so　in　Rhett；　there　was
  something　that　fitted　him　to　one　great　moment　but　did　not　fit　him
  to　others。　There　can　be　little　doubt　that　his　defeat　at　the　polls
  of　his　own　district　deeply　mortified　him。　He　withdrew　from
  politics；　and　though　he　doubtless；　through　the　editorship　of　one
  of　his　sons；　inspired　the　continued　opposition　of　the　Mercury　to
  the　Government；　Rhett　himself　hardly　reappears　in　Confederate
  history　except　for　a　single　occasion　during　the　debate　a　year
  later　upon　the　burning　question　of　arming　the　slaves。
  The　year　was　marked　by　very　bitter　attacks　upon　President　Davis
  on　the　part　of　the　opposition　press。　The　Mercury　revived　the
  issue　of　the　conduct　of　the　war　which　had　for　some　time　been
  overshadowed　by　other　issues。　In　the　spring；　to　be　sure；　things
  had　begun　to　look　brighter；　and　Chancellorsville　had　raised　Lee's
  reputation　to　its　zenith。　The　disasters　of　the　summer；　Gettysburg
  and　Vicksburg；　were　for　a　time　minimized　by　the　Government　and　do
  not　appear　to　have　caused　the　alarm　which　their　strategic
  importance　might　well　have　created。　But　when　in　the　latter　days
  of　July　the　facts　became　generally　known；　the　Mercury　arraigned
  the　President's　conduct　of　the　war　as　〃a　vast　complication　of
  incompetence　and　folly〃；　it　condemned　the　whole　scheme　of　the
  Northern　invasion　and　maintained　that　Lee　should　have　stood　on
  the　defensive　while　twenty　or　thirty　thousand　men　were　sent　to
  the　relief　of　Vicksburg。　These　two　ideas　it　bitterly　reiterated
  and　in　August　went　so　far　as　to　quote　Macaulay's　famous　passage
  on　Parliament's　dread　of　a　decisive　victory　over　Charles　and　to
  apply　it　to　Davis　in　unrestrained　language　that　reminds　one　of
  Pollard。
  Equally　unrestrained　were　the　attacks　upon　other　items　of　the
  policy　of　the　Confederate　Government。　The　Impressment　Law　began
  to　be　a　target。　Farmers　who　were　compelled　to　accept　the　prices
  fixed　by　the　impressment　commissioners　cried　out　that　they　were
  being　ruined。　Men　of　the　stamp　of　Toombs　came　to　their　assistance
  with　railing　accusations　such　as　this：　〃I　have　heard　it　said　that
  we　should　not　sacrifice　liberty　to　independence；　but　I　tell　you；
  my　countrymen；　that　the　two　are　inseparable。。。。　　If　we　lose
  our　liberty　we　shall　lose　our　independence。。。。　　I　would　rather
  see　the　whole　country　the　cemetery　of　freedom　than　the　habitation
  of　slaves。〃　Protests　which　poured　in　upon　the　Government　insisted
  that　the　power　to　impress　supplies　did　not　carry　with　it　the
  power　to　fix　prices。　Worthy　men；　ridden　by　the　traditional　ideas
  of　political　science　and　unable　to　modify　these　in　the　light　of
  the　present　emergency；　wailed　out　their　despair　over　the
  〃usurpation〃　of　Richmond。
  The　tax　in　kind　was　denounced　in　the　same　vein。　The　licensing
  provisions　of　this　law　and　its　income　tax　did　not　satisfy　the
  popular　imagination。　These　provisions　concerned　the　classes　that
  could　borrow。　The　classes　that　could　not　borrow；　that　had　no
  resources　but　their　crops；　felt　that　they　were　being　driven　to
  the　wall。　The　bitter　saying　went　around　that　it　was　〃a　rich　man's
  war　and　a　poor　man's　fight。〃　As　land　and　slaves　were　not　directly