general　public　asserts　over　people　in　general。
  But；　without　dwelling　upon　supposititious　cases；　there　are；　in　our
  own　day；　gross　usurpations　upon　the　liberty　of　private　life　actually
  practised；　and　still　greater　ones　threatened　with　some　expectation
  of　success；　and　opinions　propounded　which　assert　an　unlimited　right　in
  the　public　not　only　to　prohibit　by　law　everything　which　it　thinks
  wrong；　but；　in　order　to　get　at　what　it　thinks　wrong；　to　prohibit　a
  number　of　things　which　it　admits　to　be　innocent。
  Under　the　name　of　preventing　intemperance；　the　people　of　one　English
  colony；　and　of　nearly　half　the　United　States；　have　been　interdicted　by
  law　from　making　any　use　whatever　of　fermented　drinks；　except　for
  medical　purposes：　for　prohibition　of　their　sale　is　in　fact；　as　it　is
  intended　to　be；　prohibition　of　their　use。　And　though　the
  impracticability　of　executing　the　law　has　caused　its　repeal　in　several
  of　the　States　which　had　adopted　it；　including　the　one　from　which　it
  derives　its　name；　an　attempt　has　notwithstanding　been　commenced；　and
  is　prosecuted　with　considerable　zeal　by　many　of　the　professed
  philanthropists；　to　agitate　for　a　similar　law　in　this　country。　The
  association；　or　〃Alliance〃　as　it　terms　itself；　which　has　been　formed
  for　this　purpose；　has　acquired　some　notoriety　through　the　publicity
  given　to　a　correspondence　between　its　secretary　and　one　of　the　very
  few　English　public　men　who　hold　that　a　politician's　opinions　ought
  to　be　founded　on　principles。　Lord　Stanley's　share　in　this
  correspondence　is　calculated　to　strengthen　the　hopes　already　built
  on　him；　by　those　who　know　how　rare　such　qualities　as　are　manifested　in
  some　of　his　public　appearances　unhappily　are　among　those　who　figure　in
  political　life。　The　organ　of　the　Alliance；　who　would　〃deeply　deplore
  the　recognition　of　any　principle　which　could　be　wrested　to　justify
  bigotry　and　persecution；〃　undertakes　to　point　out　the　〃broad　and
  impassable　barrier〃　which　divides　such　principles　from　those　of　the
  association。　〃All　matters　relating　to　thought；　opinion；　conscience；
  appear　to　me；〃　he　says；　〃to　be　without　the　sphere　of　legislation；
  all　pertaining　to　social　act；　habit；　relation；　subject　only　to　a
  discretionary　power　vested　in　the　State　itself；　and　not　in　the
  individual；　to　be　within　it。〃
  No　mention　is　made　of　a　third　class；　different　from　either　of　these；
  viz。；　acts　and　habits　which　are　not　social；　but　individual；　although
  it　is　to　this　class；　surely；　that　the　act　of　drinking　fermented
  liquors　belongs。　Selling　fermented　liquors；　however；　is　trading；　and
  trading　is　a　social　act。　But　the　infringement　complained　of　is　not
  on　the　liberty　of　the　seller；　but　on　that　of　the　buyer　and　consumer；
  since　the　State　might　just　as　well　forbid　him　to　drink　wine　as
  purposely　make　it　impossible　for　him　to　obtain　it。　The　secretary；
  however；　says；　〃I　claim；　as　a　citizen；　a　right　to　legislate　whenever
  my　social　rights　are　invaded　by　the　social　act　of　another。〃　And　now
  for　the　definition　of　these　〃social　rights。〃　〃If　anything　invades　my
  social　rights；　certainly　the　traffic　in　strong　drink　does。　It　destroys
  my　primary　right　of　security；　by　constantly　creating　and　stimulating
  social　disorder。　It　invades　my　right　of　equality；　by　deriving　a　profit
  from　the　creation　of　a　misery　I　am　taxed　to　support。　It　impedes　my
  right　to　free　moral　and　intellectual　development；　by　surrounding　my
  path　with　dangers；　and　by　weakening　and　demoralising　society；　from
  which　I　have　a　right　to　claim　mutual　aid　and　intercourse。〃　A　theory　of
  〃social　rights〃　the　like　of　which　probably　never　before　found　its　way
  into　distinct　language：　being　nothing　short　of　this…　that　it　is　the
  absolute　social　right　of　every　individual；　that　every　other　individual
  shall　act　in　every　respect　exactly　as　he　ought；　that　whosoever　fails
  thereof　in　the　smallest　particular　violates　my　social　right；　and
  entitles　me　to　demand　from　the　legislature　the　removal　of　the
  grievance。　So　monstrous　a　principle　is　far　more　dangerous　than　any
  single　interference　with　liberty；　there　is　no　violation　of　liberty
  which　it　would　not　justify；　it　acknowledges　no　right　to　any　freedom
  whatever；　except　perhaps　to　that　of　holding　opinions　in　secret；
  without　ever　disclosing　them：　for；　the　moment　an　opinion　which　I
  consider　noxious　passes　any　one's　lips；　it　invades　all　the　〃social
  rights〃　attributed　to　me　by　the　Alliance。　The　doctrine　ascribes　to　all
  mankind　a　vested　interest　in　each　other's　moral；　intellectual；　and
  even　physical　perfection；　to　be　defined　by　each　claimant　according
  to　his　own　standard。
  Another　important　example　of　illegitimate　interference　with　the
  rightful　liberty　of　the　individual；　not　simply　threatened；　but　long
  since　carried　into　triumphant　effect；　is　Sabbatarian　legislation。
  Without　doubt；　abstinence　on　one　day　in　the　week；　so　far　as　the
  exigencies　of　life　permit；　from　the　usual　daily　occupation；　though
  in　no　respect　religiously　binding　on　any　except　Jews；　is　a　highly
  beneficial　custom。　And　inasmuch　as　this　custom　cannot　be　observed
  without　a　general　consent　to　that　effect　among　the　industrious
  classes；　therefore；　in　so　far　as　some　persons　by　working　may　impose
  the　same　necessity　on　others；　it　may　be　allowable　and　right　that　the
  law　should　guarantee　to　each　the　observance　by　others　of　the　custom；
  by　suspending　the　greater　operations　of　industry　on　a　particular
  day。　But　this　justification；　grounded　on　the　direct　interest　which
  others　have　in　each　individual's　observance　of　the　practice；　does
  not　apply　to　the　self…chosen　occupations　in　which　a　person　may　think
  fit　to　employ　his　leisure；　nor　does　it　hold　good；　in　the　smallest
  degree；　for　legal　restrictions　on　amusements。　It　is　true　that　the
  amusement　of　some　is　the　day's　work　of　others；　but　the　pleasure；　not
  to　say　the　useful　recreation；　of　many；　is　worth　the　labour　of　a　few；
  provided　the　occupation　is　freely　chosen；　and　can　be　freely
  resigned。　The　operatives　are　perfectly　right　in　thinking　that　if　all
  worked　on　Sunday；　seven　days'　work　would　have　to　be　given　for　six
  days'　wages；　but　so　long　as　the　great　mass　of　employments　are
  suspended；　the　small　number　who　for　the　enjoyment　of　others　must　still
  work；　obtain　a　proportional　increase　of　earnings；　and　they　are　not
  obliged　to　follow　those　occupations　if　they　prefer　leisure　to
  emolument。　If　a　further　remedy　is　sought；　it　might　be　found　in　the
  establishment　by　custom　of　a　holiday　on　some　other　day　of　the　week　for
  those　particular　classes　of　persons。　The　only　ground；　therefore；　on
  which　restrictions　on　Sunday　amusements　can　be　defended；　must　be
  that　they　are　religiously　wrong；　a　motive　of　legislation　which　can
  never　be　too　earnestly　protested　against。　Deorum　injuriae　Diis
  curae。　It　remains　to　be　proved　that　society　or　any　of　its　officers
  holds　a　commission　from　on　high　to　avenge　any　supposed　offence　to
  Omnipotence；　which　is　not　also　a　wrong　to　our　fellow　creatures。　The
  notion　that　it　is　one　man's　duty　that　another　should　be　religious；　was
  the　foundation　of　all　the　religious　persecutions　ever　perpetrated；
  and；　if　admitted；　would　fully　justify　them。　Though　the　feeling　which
  breaks　out　in　the　repeated　attempts　to　stop　railway　travelling　on
  Sunday；　in　the　resistance　to　the　opening　of　Museums；　and　the　like；　has
  not　the　cruelty　of　the　old　persecutors；　the　state　of　mind　indicated　by
  it　is　fundamentally　the　same。　It　is　a　determination　not　to　tolerate
  others　in　doing　what　is　permitted　by　their　religion；　because　it　is　not
  permitted　by　the　persecutor's　religion。　It　is　a　belief　that　God　not
  only　abominates　the　act　of　the　misbeliever；　but　will　not　hold　us
  guiltless　if　we　leave　him　unmolested。
  I　cannot　refrain　from　adding　to　these　examples　of　the　little　account
  commonly　made　of　human　liberty；　the　language　of　downright
  persecution　which　breaks　out　from　the　press　of　this　country　whenever
  it　feels　called　on　to　notice　the　remarkable　phenomenon　of　Mormonism。
  Much　might　be　said　on　the　unexpected　and　instructive　fact　that　an
  alleged　new　revelation；　and　a　religion　founded　on　it；　the　product　of
  palpable　imposture；　not　even　supported　by　the　prestige　of
  extraordinary　qualities　in　its　founder；　is　believed　by　hundreds　of
  thousands；　and　has　been　made　the　foundation　of　a　society；　in　the　age
  of　newspapers；　railways；　and　the　electric　telegraph。　What　here
  concerns　us　is；　that　this　religion；　like　other　and　better　religions；
  has　its　martyrs：　that　its　prophet　and　founder　was；　for　his　teaching；
  put　to　death　by　a　mob；　that　others　of　its　adherents　lost　their　lives
  by　the　same　lawless　violence；　that　they　were　forcibly　expelled；　in　a
  body；　from　the　country　in　which　they　first　grew　up；　while；　now　that
  they　have　been　chased　into　a　solitary　recess　in　the　midst　of　a　desert；